Chapter 24
FREUD and PSYCHOANALYSIS
While
modern psychology was developing in academe, other important contributions were
taking place in a quite different setting.
Far removed from the psychological laboratory, Sigmund Freud was
developing another approach to psychology through the study of personality
disturbances revealed through clinical observation. He was learning that behind the conscious and rational person
there was another phase of human nature, expressed through the dark,
emotion-ridden unconscious motivations of his patients. He used the techniques of the clinical
method rather than the controls of the experimental method. After a long period of isolation, he gained
a few supporters. Two of these supporters
went on to develop their own views, which are both important and significantly
different from those of Freud.
Consequently, after discussing psychoanalysis as expressed through the
life, work, and theoretical system of Sigmund Freud in this chapter, attention
will be devoted to Alfred Adler (1870 - 1937) and his Individual Psychology and
to Carl Gustav Jung (1875 - 1961) and his Analytical Psychology in the next.
The
Heritage of Freud
To
understand some of the individuals and intellectual influences that affected
Freud, it is necessary to start not in Austria but in France.
From
the beginning of the nineteenth century, the French psychological tradition had
centered on psychopathological problems.
Pierre Janet, one of France's leading psychologists toward the end of
the century, was to affirm that the development of "pathological"
psychology was most characteristic of France.[1]
The French were both utilitarian and idiographic in outlook in contrast
to the Germans, who leaned toward purism and nomotheticsm. Even psychologists who had their degrees in
philosophy or in one of the sciences were apt to be influenced by these
traditions. There were two
discriminable groups of psychologists in France at the time--the
physician-psychologist, interested in abnormal mental phenomena and their
treatment, and the academic-medical psychologist who paid some attention to the
more conventional aspect of psychology, including its teaching, but who was
also drawn into consideration of the same phenomena that interested his medical
counterparts. Jean-Martin Charcot (1825
- 1893) and Hippolyte Bernheim (1840 - 1919) represent the former group;
Théodule Ribot (1839 - 1916) and Pierre Janet (1859 - 1947), the latter. Binet, as befits the greatest French
psychologist of his time, shared in this tradition but also created one of his
own. He has already been treated in
Chapter 00.
Pinel and
the Treatment of the Insane
Near
the beginning of the nineteenth century, France became the first country to
begin developing adequate care for the insane and the feeble-minded. This may have stemmed in part from the
development of French mechanistic philosophy that came to view human behavior
as a product of brain action. It is
only a short step to treating human misbehavior also as a product of brain
action and thus beyond the will of the affected individual. The treatment of mental illness was thus a
treatment of nervous diseases which is why most of the individuals who dealt
with such issues in the 19th century were neurologists. If the mechanistic position was correct,
then it was improper to keep the insane in the inhuman conditions then
current. Their treatment as subhumans
was based in part on the premise that they were willingly possessed by the
devil or that they were throwbacks to an earlier, animalistic state.
Pinel
was one who made such a moral argument for the humane treatment of the
insane. Philippe Pinel (1745-1826) was
one of France's leading physicians at the turn of the nineteenth century.[2]
In 1792, he had been appointed superintendent of the asylum at
Bicêtre. In the wake of the French
revolution came his own particular application of the "Rights of Man"
to the miserable patients in his charge, who heretofore had been kept in chains
and treated as wild beasts, even to the point of being on exhibit to those who
paid a small fee. After a personal plea
before the Revolutionary Convention, Pinel was permitted to dispense with the
chains. He treated his patients
humanely and placed them under the care of reasonably competent
physicians. His book on mental diseases
was a powerful plea for more humane treatment of the insane.[3]
Instead of accepting the view then current that the insane were wicked
and in the grip of demoniacal possession, Pinel was convinced that brain
dysfunction may be related to severe psychological disorders. He knew too little to advance very far, but
the conviction was there. Pinel was
succeeded in his work by Jean Etienne Esquirol (1771-1840), who worked
assiduously at establishing properly run asylums. He also wrote a monumental work on mental diseases, one more
rational and descriptive than the barren speculations of most of his
predecessors.[4]
Jean
Itard (1775-1838), a contemporary of Pinel and Esquirol, was the pioneer in the
systematic study of mental deficiency.[5]
A teacher of the deaf, he was consulted about the "wild boy of
Aveyron" in 1798. The year before,
in a woods in the Department of Aveyron, a so-called wild boy had been found by
hunters. He was brought to Itard to see
if he could be trained to live in civilization, a topic of more than usual
interest because of the popularity of the then prevalent theories of the
"noble savage." Itard worked
long and arduously but could not in any way restore the child to
normality. Through much effort, the boy
learned a few habits more in keeping with his new environment, but was still
unable to take care of himself. Finally
it dawned on Itard that the boy was an idiot or an imbecile. He abandoned further work with the child as
hopeless, since he shared in the common belief that idiots or imbeciles were
but brutes incapable of any sort of training.
But his assistant, Edouard Seguin (1812-1880), continued to work with
the boy after Itard had given up because he appreciated that the gains made,
slight though they were, caused the child to be both happier and better
adjusted to society. Afterward, Sequin
devoted his career to attempts to train feeble-minded children and eventually
was put in charge of a school for the feeble-minded. This was the first institution of its kind; its establishment
marks the beginning of training schools for the mentally retarded.
Hypnosis
Another
source in France making for a medical psychology was an interest in hypnotic
phenomena. The history of phenomena of
what came to be called hypnotism is at least as old as temple medicine in
ancient Greece. Its modern phase begins
with the work of Franz Anton Mesmer (1734-1815).[6]
After attracting considerable notoriety in Vienna through use of his
so-called animal magnetism in treating all sorts of patients, he was ordered to
leave the city. He settled in Paris
during the 1780s, where his remarkable cures, especially of what we would now
call hysterical patients, made him well known.
He thought of animal magnetism as an invisible fluid whose
magnetic power he communicated to his patients by making his hands pass over
their bodies, after which he assured them that they were cured. Physicians called Mesmer an impostor, and
the first of several commissions was appointed by the French government to
investigate his powers. One of its members
was Benjamin Franklin. The general
conclusions of this and later commissions was that Mesmer effected many cures,
but was mistaken in attributing to animal magnetism what was actually due to
some as yet unknown physiological cause.
Whatever else may have been taking place, magnetism as known in physics
had nothing to do with these phenomena.
The reports, generally unfavorable, were widely disseminated. As a consequence of this unfavorable
publicity, Mesmer lost his practice and retired.
For
some time after the French Revolution, Mesmerism, as it was by then called, led
a checkered career, kept alive by a few who used it with little or no
understanding of what they were doing.
Meanwhile, it was derided as quackery by most physicians.
It
was James Braid (c. 1795 - 1860) in England in 1843, who named the various
phenomena "hypnotism."[7]
He considered that in hypnotism some sort of change took place in the
nervous system as the result of psychological instigation. Braid described hypnotism as induced sleep
and considered hypnosis nothing more than a convenient and quick means of
throwing the nervous system into a state useful for the treatment of certain
disorders.[8]
He showed that hypnotism could be produced by focusing the eyes on an
inanimate object, a procedure which helped to remove it from the realm of the
uncanny. His lack of exaggeration, his
caution, and his modest admission of lack of understanding impressed other
medical men. The fact that he first
expressed his interest in the topic by publicly attacking the mesmerists
probably served to provide him with a respectability that the earlier workers
had lacked. His work became known in
France in the middle of the nineteenth century through a Dr. Azam, a surgeon of
Bordeaux. Azam saw its advantage in
surgical operations and proceeded to use it in this way. He was followed by others. But hypnosis came into national prominence
only with the work of Charcot.
Jean Charcot
Jean-Martin
Charcot (1825-1893), a physician, was appointed professor of pathological
anatomy at the University of Paris in 1860.[9]
Two years later, he was appointed a senior physician to the Salpétrière,
a hospital for mental disorders, where he established a neurological
clinic. He is often referred to as the
father of neurology because of his ability to relate clinical signs present in the
functioning of his patients to the normal and morbid anatomy of the nervous
system, a correlation that is precisely the basis of neurology today. He carried on important studies of such
diseases as multiple sclerosis and spinal paralysis and worked with problems of
the localization of lesions in the brain and spinal cord. He was also famous as a teacher, for he was
skilled in communicating his knowledge of diagnosis and anatomy to his pupils
through case conferences. His fame was
international, and students came to him from all over Europe. In 1885-1886, Sigmund Freud worked under
Charcot, learning enough from him to refer to him later as "my
master."[10]
Charcot
was already a well-established teacher and researcher when he acquired his
interest in hypnosis. Charles Richet
(1850-1935) in 1875 had judged the phenomenon of hypnosis to be undoubtedly
genuine. Accepting this statement of a
respected colleague, Charcot launched into a period of intense clinical
investigation and made his case conferences famous by demonstrating the many
phenomena that can be induced by hypnosis.
He began to center his attention on patients showing symptoms of
hysteria.
What
are some of the symptoms of hysteria?
Somnambulism (sleep walking), fugues (running away without awareness of
doing so), multiple personalities, and convulsive attacks are all included
whenever organic causes can be ruled out, as are contractures, paralyses,
vomiting, deafness, blindness, loss of speech, and anaesthesia of parts of the
body.[11]
To add to the complexity, the symptoms change even from day to day, for
one day a patient may complain of vomiting, and the next day of headache. Mesmer and the mesmerists must have treated
a large number of individuals who later would have been in this category. Hysteria is the great simulator of other
diseases, such as tumors, intestinal obstructions, lesions of the bones and
muscles, as well as organically based blindness and deafness.
Charcot
soon compared the phenomenon of hypnosis to artificial hysteria. The patients of Salpétrière, whom he found
to be amenable to hypnosis and especially to very deep phases of hypnosis, were
those already diagnosed as hysterics.
he soon discovered that the symptoms of the hysteric patient could be
modified by hypnosis, and hypnosis came to be the preferred method of treatment
for this category of patients. He thus
moved against established medical opinion, which still regarded hypnosis as
somewhere between a theatrical stunt and sheer charlatanism.
At
Salpétrière under Charcot's leadership it was believed that the hypnotic
phenomenon arose from hysteria in that only a person with an hysterical make-up
could be brought to hypnotic sleep.
Based on studying various degrees of the depth of hypnosis, Charcot
asserted the existence of three main progressive stages in the depth of
hypnosis: lethargy (drowsiness),
catalepsy (isolated suggestions can be accepted and acted upon, since there is
no interference by other ideas), and somnambulism (ability to carry out
complicated activities with no recollection afterward).[12]
Charcot's
interest in producing deep hypnosis arose from his desire to be absolutely
certain of being able to distinguish between true hysteria and simulation of
these conditions. Hysteria and
malingering are not easy to differentiate, and Charcot was satisfied only with
placing his patients under deep hypnosis in order to be sure that faking was
eliminated.
Meanwhile
another approach to hypnosis was being developed in Nancy by Liebéault and
Bernheim.
Liebéault and Bernheim
A
country doctor, Ambroise-Auguste Liebéault (1823-1904)[13] had been using hypnosis in his
practice without fee with all peasants who would agree to its use, whereas for
other forms of treatment they had to pay.
Knowing a bargain when they saw one, the peasants flocked to him. It was not until he happened to treat a
former patient of the neurologist Hyppolyte Bernheim (1840-1919) that his work
received the attention that would place it ultimately in the history of
psychology and medicine. This patient,
who suffered from sciatica, had not responded to Bernheim's treatment, but he
did to Liebéault's hypnosis. The
already well-known Bernheim was impressed and became a pupil of Liebéault in
1882 and a few years later wrote a text that made him the leader of the Nancy
School.[14]
Together,
Liebéault and Bernheim had founded the clinic at Nancy, which was presently to
rival Paris as another center for work in hypnotism. These workers, seeing no essential difference between spontaneous
and induced sleep,[15] used the suggestion of sleep as the
basis for the production of hypnosis.
Essentially, the method of treatment of the Nancy school was based upon
suggestion. To them, suggestion meant
that under hypnosis new attitudes and beliefs were accepted by the patient
uncritically, and he would then behave in accordance with these new ideas. During hypnosis, these two doctors would
tell their patients that they would feel well or that their symptoms would
disappear. In a fair number of
instances, the effect was not merely temporary, as might have been expected,
but appeared to be permanent.
The
clinics of Nancy and Paris became ideological rivals. At Nancy it was taught that hypnosis, at least the mild form of
it that was customarily used there, could be induced in nearly all subjects and
that it was essentially a passive-receptive state brought about by
suggestion. On the other hand, Charcot
regarded hypnosis as a pathological state of the organism. At Nancy they challenged the identification
of hypnosis with hysteria, arguing that the very stages that Charcot found were
the result of specific suggestions.
Later findings have tended to support Bernheim and Liebéault rather than
Charcot.
Workers
at Nancy and at Salpétrière, far apart as they might have thought themselves at
the time, were both laboring with similar groups of patients--the
neurotics. No longer was interest in
abnormal mental phenomena to be confined to the severely disturbed on the wards
of mental hospitals. These men had
isolated the neuroses from other mental diseases and in doing so had discovered
them.
Théodule Ribot
Théodule
Ribot (1839-1916) had perhaps the greatest breadth of interests and certainly
was the most well read of the French psychologists of his time. He served as the psychological educator of
his countrymen. In 1870[16] and 1879[17] he published books that interpreted
English associationism and German experimentalism to his colleagues. In general, French psychologists tended to
be skeptical about the value of German experimental psychology and to make only
sparing use of associationism. As a
medical psychologist in the French tradition, Ribot also systematically
explored what was known about the pathological aspects of affective life. He wrote books about diseases of the will,
memory, and personality, regarding these abnormalities as products of faulty
brain functioning. In discussions of
diseases of personality and in his presentation of cases, Ribot stressed
dissociation, the splitting of the bonds of consciousness. He also reintroduced evolutionary thinking
into French psychology. In 1875 he
founded and edited the Revue Philosophique, which was to publish a fair amount
of psychological material.
Ribot
was appointed Professor of Experimental Psychology in 1889 at the College of
France. He was not, however, an
experimental psychologist in the sense of having a laboratory. In his strategic position he was to have as
students many of the next generation of academically oriented French
psychologists.
Pierre
Janet
Pierre
Janet (1859-1947) studied philosophy and psychology in the Faculty of Letters
and then went on to the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Paris.[18]
Before completing his medical training, he accepted a teaching post in
philosophy at a Lycee outside of Paris.
At this time he was only twenty-two years old. Eager to advance his career, he became interested in a patient
named Leonie, already known to the medical profession for exhibiting both
hypnotic and clairvoyant phenomena.
After making a careful study of this intriguing combination, he reported
that it seemed she could be hypnotized from a distance. Through this case study Janet came into
contact with Charcot.
Shortly
afterward Janet returned to Paris to study again in both the Faculties of Letters
and Medicine, and in 1889 he received his doctorate in letters with a thesis on
the psychology of automatic activities.[19]
The following year he was invited by Charcot to become director of the
psychological laboratory of Salpétrière, where he tried to bring some order and
system into the classification of hysteria and, in turn, to the conceptions of
academic psychology. This study became
the thesis for his doctorate in medicine, a degree he received in 1892.[20]
After teaching at the Sorbonne from 1895 to 1902, Janet succeeded Ribot
in the chair in the College of France, which he held until his retirement. He visited the United States in 1906 to
lecture at Harvard University Medical School.
The lectures were published in English as The Major Symptoms of
Hysteria, the book for which he is best known in the United States.[21]
During all these years, in addition to carrying out his academic duties,
he was also a busy practicing physician, specializing in mental diseases. He died in 1947.
Janet
himself clearly differentiated his work from that carried on at Salpétrière. The work under Charcot was primarily
neurological, so that paralyses, contractures, and disturbances of the senses
were emphasized. Janet, on the
contrary, saw hysteria as a mental disease, which chiefly consisted of an
exaggerated suggestibility; he therefore emphasized mental
phenomena--particularly impairments of memory and the presence of fixed
ideas. This appeal to fixed ideas was
based on the fact that hysterical patients had somehow fastened onto the idea
that they were paralyzed or had lost sensitivity. These symptoms were not readily resolved and, hence, were
referred to as fixed ideas. Thus Janet
was closer to Bernheim in his interpretation than to Charcot, for both Janet
and Bernheim saw many of the phenomena of hypnosis and of hysteria as products
of suggestion. This resemblance becomes
evident when one stops to consider that the behavioral phenomena are similar;
for the only difference seems to be that under hypnosis, we know how the behavioral
phenomena were instilled, that is, we know their origin, whereas in hysteria we
do not.
Psychic
energy and its diminution or depletion was a guiding concept of Janet.[22]
Feelings of pressure experienced by the patient and consequent feelings
of effort served to individuate this diminution of functioning quite apart from
behaviors considered as symptomatic of psychic energy. Janet held that we do not know the nature of
the energy, but we can study its manifestations. Individuals differ in quantity of energy available to them from
both hereditary and environmental origins.[23]
Janet cited fatigue, malnutrition, disease, pernicious experience, and
inadequate education as the environmental sources responsible for lessened
energy. Neuroses are
fundamentally due to conditions of low mental tension--an inability to mobilize
enough energy to meet the exigencies of life.
There was a weakness in these hysterical patients. Illustrative of how weakness came to be
postulated is the frequent triviality of the precipitating situation. At age twenty a man found himself near a
heavy object as it fell from a window, breaking glass with a sound as of a gun
shot. The man became dumb for two
months, and twenty-six years later the slightest unexpected noise would still
strike him dumb for several months at a time.[24]
An even more famous case was observed in Boston, where a young woman,
upon being kissed unexpectedly, developed symptoms that kept Morton Prince, an
American psychologist, busy for years.[25]
To
Janet, personality was a matter of integration. Within the normal individual, this integration of tendencies and
ideas is relatively stable; in the hysterical individual this unity is lacking,
and in extreme cases a lack of integration may extend to the point of splitting
the personality into alternating personalities, most often two, but sometimes
more. In these extreme cases a failure
of conscious control has taken place.
There is, said Janet, a narrowing of the field of consciousness open to
the individual. In the contraction of
consciousness, the hysterical symptoms are carried on without the individual
being consciously aware of them. A
rhythmic movement of the arm evokes in the patient no sense that he is doing
it; he looks at it as something alien.
The arm is carrying out the movement without his volition. The paralyzed leg is an alien
"stump," as some of his patients called it, attached to the body, but
not part of the person. If double
personalities develop, the primary personality may not be aware of the
thoughts, feelings, and experiences of the secondary personality. When a fugue occurs, a person may travel,
eat in restaurants, answer questions, and generally behave in a fashion that
attracts no attention, yet he will, on "awakening," not know where he
is, how he got there, or what he did in the interval of the weeks or months
during which he lived in the fugue state.
Janet
considered that the dissociative split of consciousness came about because of
some mental or physical shock. Often he
found that the patient's history showed either a long-maintained or a continued
series of conflicts. Essentially,
hysteria is a contraction of consciousness due to exhaustion of the higher
functions.[26]
Over all, the dynamic factor is conversion symbolism, the "driving
back" of that which is unacceptable in consciousness. The patient tries to get rid of thoughts
that are painful or in opposition to moral feelings; he struggles to drive them
out of consciousness. When he succeeds
in making these experiences unconscious, his symptoms develop with the
contraction of consciousness. As a
result of clinical investigation, Janet came close to a conception of
unconsciousness as a dynamic process.
He had spoken of automatic activities as early as 1889 in his doctoral
thesis and had discussed the unconscious, but impartial critics see in this
usage hardly more than a figure of speech.
As
for treatment itself, Janet found that under hypnosis these forgotten
experiences can often be recalled to the patient and that the symptoms, the
origin of which was unknown, could be traced back to their source and, after
hypnotic suggestions, would even disappear (although other symptoms might turn
up to take their place).
As
might be anticipated, these views created a strained relationship between Janet
and Sigmund Freud, whose formulations were of a similar nature. Freud saw Janet as working in a similar area
but at a superficial level. In turn,
Janet claimed that psychoanalysis originated from his and Charcot's work.[27]
As an eclectic in psychotherapy, Janet considered psychoanalysis one
among many forms of treatment.
Specifically, it served to bring about dissociation of traumatic
memories.
The
French psychopathologists saw their patients as people--sick individuals in
need of care. They saw them as
individuals and were interested in them as such as well as in what they could
learn about them. An impersonal
attitude, natural to study of the generalized human mind, was in the process of
being supplemented by an interest in the welfare of the individual. Janet[28] made this explicit in a paper
describing his way of investigating the individual's unique
characteristics. The French
psychologists of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries advanced the
understanding of the clinical method in psychology to a point where Freud and
others could carry through the next stage.
It seems clear that both utilitarian and idiographic prescriptions were
being fostered. Moreover, hesitant
steps were being made toward accepting the value of unconscious mentalism,
irrationalism, developmentalism, dynamicism, i.e. factors making for change in
the individual.
THE UNCONSCIOUS BEFORE FREUD
In
an effort to glorify Freud, some enthusiastic disciples write as if his genius
came into the world unaided by an intellectual-cultural heritage. They interpret psychology before Freud as
concerned exclusively with conscious experience, while the world waited for
Freud to discover the unconscious.
Nothing could be further from the truth.[29]
The
influence of unconscious psychological phenomena has been a theme throughout
the ages, from Plato's sleeping beast through Augustine's limitless room of
memory to Aquinas' inability to view the soul apart from awareness of its
acts. One can leave aside Descartes,
Spinoza, Leibniz, and the others who considered unconscious phenomena in some
detail and move directly to the nineteenth century. Fechner was most influential on Freud with his iceberg analogy of
the mind, that is, that the mind is mostly below the surface of awareness and
is moved much by powerful hidden currents than by the winds of awareness. Fechner also introduced a topographical
distinction between the sleeping and waking states. Sleep differs from the waking state, not only in intensity of
mental function, but also in the activities of different stages. There were others immediately preceding
Freud who seriously considered unconscious psychological phenomena, though,
perhaps, without any direct influence upon him. Helmholtz utilized unconscious inference. Ebbinghaus wrote his dissertation on
Hartmann's philosophy of the unconscious.
Even Wundt had to have been aware of unconscious phenomena in order to
deny them a place in psychology. Those
who came before Freud attached significance in varying degrees to unconscious
functioning. Some dismissed unconscious
psychological phenomena as curiosities, to be mentioned but then ignored. Others attached a fair amount of meaning, or
even importance, to manifestations of unconscious functioning. But none of them grasped the crucial
importance of unconscious motivation or found a way to study it. Freud found a use for the unconscious,
thought that its exploration might help to explain otherwise inexplicable
phenomena, and saw that thoughts and feelings beyond awareness played a role in
directing behavior. Moreover, he found
a means of studying these unconscious processes.
OTHER INTELLECTUAL INFLUENCES ON
FREUD
Among
familiar aspects of the intellectual atmosphere that Freud absorbed in
developing psychoanalysis were the Helmholtzian view of mechanistic
determinism, the Darwinian ideas of development, the French psychopathological
view of dissociation, and the Galtonian-Wundtian-Kraepelinian view of
association. Factors outside the main
psychological tradition were also influential, particularly the writing of
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749 - 1832), to which aspects of libido theory are
traceable.[30]
Freud acknowledged that Darwin's theories and Goethe's famous essay on
nature influenced his choice of a medical profession.[31]
Many strands of the past affected Freud's thinking. His genius lay in creating a dynamic
interpretation of unconscious motivation.
The
Development of Psychoanalysis Through the Life of Freud
The
sheer wealth of material available about the life of Signumd Freud (1856 -
1939) makes it possible to relate rather closely his personal experiences to
the development of his ideas.[32]
This is especially pertinent to Freudian conceptions regarding sex,
since it is easy to be skeptical of his views unless it can be shown that their
sources were not his own biases and preconceptions, but experiences with his
patients. Experience with some of his
first patients suggested aspects of what emerged as the free association method
and helped him in construction some of his major theoretical concepts.
Early Life
Sigmund
Freud was born in 1856 in Freiburg, a town in what is now Czechoslovakia but
was then a part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. His father was a wool merchant, and the family background was
lower middle class. When Sigmund was
four years of age, his family moved to Vienna, where he was to live and work
for nearly eighty years.
His
high intellectual capacity was recognized early, and it was soon known in the
family that Sigmund was destined to be its scholar. Homely but revealing evidence of this is the fact that his
study-bedroom was the only one equipped with an oil lamp; the rooms of others
members of the household only had candles.
A year earlier than usual he entered the gymnasium, from which he was
graduated with distinction at the age of seventeen. Reading and studying seem to have filled the greater part of his
life during these years. Then and later
he read widely. He was interested in
problems of social reform and, perhaps somewhat surprisingly, in military history. He had a considerable gift for languages and
in maturity knew four or five quite thoroughly.
As
for his choice of a career, the only professions open to a Viennese Jew in the
1870s were law and medicine. Freud
turned to medicine, not because of any direct or compelling attraction to it,
but because he felt that it might give him an opportunity to work on those
problems of science that interested him.
As was not too uncommon in his time, he took eight years, several more
than necessary, to complete the medical curriculum. His penchant for sampling other fields not directly required for
his training delayed his graduation until 1881.
This
penchant for wide study led Freud to take several non-obligatory courses in
philosophy with Franz Brentano. As a
consequence, Freud was thoroughly familiar with Aristotle. The precise relation of this intellectual
excursion to his later thinking is still an obscurity in Freud's intellectual
development. Among his other teachers
was the German physiologist Ernst Brücke (1819 - 1892), mentioned before in
connection with the pact sworn against vitalism (p. 000). It was from Brücke that Freud learned to see
man as a dynamic system following the laws of nature.
During
these years, Freud had somewhat vaguely considered following a medical teaching
career. But when he concluded that an
academic career was not open to him, he turned to medical practice. Unfortunately, he had rather neglected the
clinical phases of medical training. He
realized that he would need more experience, so he worked in a variety of
clinics and hospitals. He devoted considerably
more time to neurology and speech psychopathology than was customary. He carried on research in a variety of
problems. Then and later he was a
prodigiously hard worker. It is worth
noting that his very first research endeavor involved sex--in this case an
attempt to determine the precise structure of the testes of a species of
eel. The results were inconclusive; in
this endeavor, the future discoverer of the castration complex was
unsuccessful.
Freud
did a considerable amount of microscopic work in Brücke's physiological
institute. It was here that he
discovered the analgesic power of cocaine, and he just missed becoming the
first physician to apply it in eye operations, which turned out to be by far
its most useful application in medicine.
Freud also became a very competent neurologist and actually coined the
term "agnosia," which is still used in neurological clinics. Indeed, he maintained a part-time practice
in this specialty until almost the end of the nineteenth century.
He
now had an even more compelling reason for going into practice: he had met and fallen in love with Martha
Bernays. The courtship was a stormy one
on his side; he exhibited violence, jealousy, and moodiness to a much greater
degree than was characteristic of him before or afterwards.
With
Freud's tremendously lengthy work hours, he saw relatively little of either his
wife or his children. His wife did not
accompany him on his vacations; he had discovered she could not keep up with
his rapid traveling pace, and it seems never to have occurred to him to slow
his pace down. To Freud, the place of
women was in the home. His social
recreations were card games with old cronies and visits to his mother, who
lived to an advanced age.
Freud and Breuer
One
friendship that developed during these years was to be very important both for
Freud and for psychoanalysis. He became
friends with Josef Breuer (1842 - 1925), a highly successful, sophisticated,
and urbane practitioner whom Freud admired immensely. Breuer became for Freud what today we would call, using Freudian
terminology, a father figure. Breuer
also helped him in a material way, lending him money and offering him advice,
both practical and medical. Naturally,
this included discussion of the cases handled by Breuer. One case, that of "Anna O" which
Freud first heard about in 1882, was of crucial significance.
In
December l880, Breuer began to treat Fraulein Anna O. This girl of twenty-one had developed a whole host of
symptoms. Hers seemed a classical case
of hysteria-paralysis of the limbs, anesthesias, disturbances of sight and
speech, nausea, and confusion. The
illness had first appeared while she was caring for her severely ill father. She was compelled by her own illness to
abandon nursing him. The events during
her nursing made a deep impression upon her; but when she was first seen by
Breuer, she could not remember them.
Anna got into the habit of relating to Breuer the disagreeable events of
the day. This provided a release for her
pent-up emotions or, as it came to be called, a catharsis. She experienced relief and on occasion even
the disappearance of a particular symptom but talking about her troubles. For example, during a period when she could
not drink water, despite an intense thirst, she told Breuer that the same thing
had occurred for a time when she was a girl.
She now remembered that at that time she had seen the much-disliked dog
of her governess drinking from a glass.
She told Breuer this story in disgust and anger. Afterward, she found she could drink water
again without trouble and there was no recurrence of this particular
difficulty.
She
referred to her sessions with Breuer as the "talking cure" and
as "chimney sweeping".
Breuer discovered that she was relieved of her symptoms if she was
placed under hypnosis and induced to express her dominant feelings and emotions
at the moment. It also turned out that
what was unconscious to her, except under hypnosis, was some thought or impulse
that she found repugnant. Symptoms
replaced these thoughts or impulses.
When she lived through the
traumatic scenes again, without the inhibition of the associated feelings,
Breuer found that the symptoms in question were reduced in severity or even
disappeared. Her emotions up to this
time could not be expressed in a normal way, so the emotions associated with
these events had expressed themselves in symptoms. Breuer was so interested in her case that he began to devote more
and more of his evenings to working with her.
He apparently saw Anna for hours at a time every day for more than a
year. He became so engrossed in working
with her that his wife became bored at first and later jealous. Unknowingly, Breuer had developed what in
later psychoanalytic perspective would be called a countertransference. When he finally realized what was happening,
he stopped treating the girl. Anna
herself had developed a positive transference:
she had transferred to him, as she conceived him to be, the loves and
hates that she had felt for her father.
The evening that Breuer told Anna of his decision to stop seeing her, he
was called to her home to find her excited and in the throes of hysterical
childbirth, which he terminated by hypnosis.[33]
This incident was too much for Breuer, who fled to Venice with his wife
for a second honeymoon. Freud was very
interested in this particular case, finding it exciting, unlike Breuer, not at
all threatening.
Charcot and Hysteria
In
l885, Freud was granted a small stipend to go to France to work under
Charcot. Charcot's influence upon Freud
as a result of this visit was expressed in theoretical and procedural
influences. Heretofore he had held what
might be called an organic point of view; after working under Charcot he became
much more interested in the functional aspects of mental disorder.
A
casual incident that occurred about this time is of importance. In the course of an informal conversation
one evening, Charcot insisted that the origin of the difficulties of a
particular patient, the wife of an impotent man, had a sexual basis.[34]
The gist of this incident was repeated for Freud on several occasions
with other physicians, but always it was mentioned casually and in
passing. Freud began to wonder why this
lead was not followed up in a more systematic and serious fashion in the
medical literature. Remembering this
incident, he was thereafter on the alert for any indication of sexual factors
in the etiology of his patients. His
knowledge of Anna O. must also have sensitized him to this particular lead.
Freud
also learned Charcot's methods, particularly
his use of hypnosis in the study of hysteria. Hysteria was a condition not at all well understood. At that time the very symptoms of hysteria
made it faintly unrespectable. It was
still interpreted by many physicians as a confusing mixture of stimulation, an
overwrought imagination, and a wandering womb.
Greek medicine had considered hysteria a condition due to womb movement,
and in fact, the word comes from the same root as hysterectomy. With this etiology, it was popularly and
professionally supposed that hysteria was a condition limited to women. But while working with Charcot, Freud
observed instances of male hysteria. On
his return to Vienna he insisted on lecturing on this topic. To put it mildly, his views, especially
those on the reality of male hysteria, were not well received. He was actually publicly challenged to find
a male with the symptoms Charcot claimed for hysteria. Without going into further details, it is
easy to see why Freud thereafter disliked the members of organized medicine in
Vienna and why they, in turn, regarded him as an unconventional medical
practitioner.
Freud's Use of Hypnosis
In
his practice, Freud had been using electrotherapy. This is not the same as electric shock therapy as used today; it
consisted of the application of a painful electric shock directly to the
afflicted organ, such as the arm. (It
was later demonstrated that in those cases where it was successful, the result
was due to suggestion rather than the shock).
Freud
found the results of electrotherapy disappointing, and so turned to hypnosis, a
technique that was still held in disrepute.
Its use in his practice hardly added to his professional standing, but
his interest was prompted by the power of hypnosis-concentration to bring the
surface forgotten thoughts, and as Breuer and Charcot had demonstrated, this
was important for the understanding of hysteria.
Freud
modified hypnosis in the direction of Breuer's cathartic method of release of
emotions. But gradually he eliminated
the hypnotic trance until he arrived at the technique of merely having the
patient lie on a couch, touching her forehead, and telling her to start
talking. One of Freud's patients one
day threw her arms around him. Unlike
Breuer's panic over a display of affection, Freud saw this as a matter of
considerable scientific interest. He
began dimly at first, but with gradually increasing clarity, to realize that
somehow effective work with the neurotic depended on a personal relationship
between the physician and his patient.
The Method Of Free Association
During
these years it was Freud's custom to question his patients rapidly and in
considerable detail and to interject other comments freely as they occurred to
him. One of his patients, Fraulein
Elizabeth, sharply reproved him for interrupting her flowing thoughts. He saw the validity of her reproof and,
gradually, the method of free association emerged. Basic to this concept is a thoroughgoing belief in
causality--that all matters, dreams, and thoughts, no matter how trivial,
incongruous, and inconsequential, actually had some cause. The value of allowing one's mind to wander
had also been discussed by one of his favorite authors, Ludwig Borne. This author had written an essay with the
striking title "The Art of Becoming an Original Writer in Three
Days". As quoted by Ernest Jones,
it concludes as follows:
Here follows the practical
prescription I promised. Take a few sheets of paper and for three days in
succession write down, without any falsification or hypocrisy, everything that
comes into your head. Write what you
think of yourself, of your women, of the Turkish War, of Goethe, of the Fonk
criminal case, of the Last Judgement, of those senior to you in authority --and
when the three days are over you will be amazed at what novel and startling
thoughts have welled up in you. This is
the art of becoming an original writer in three days.[35]
The
method of free association that Freud used hereafter consisted
essentially of instructing his patients that the basic rule they were to follow
was to say whatever came to mind allowing no selection and no rearrangement
whatsoever. This letting one's mind go,
akin to day-dreaming aloud, sounds relatively easy to do; but his patients
often found it unexpectedly difficult, since either there would be blanks, or
violating the rule, they would struggle to rearrange the flow of their
thoughts. Freud soon realized that
these unexpected difficulties were significant as signs that material
meaningful to the patient was close to the surface. He became alerted to the fact that when his patients experienced
difficulties in associating, something of significant seemed to be
occurring. From this finding arose his
insistence that they must follow the basic rule, and the analysis progressed
when they did so.
Other
aspects of the psychoanalytic method developed during these years. Freud recognized his patients' remarkable
unwillingness to disclose painful memories, a mechanism that he called resistance. Freud saw a connection between resistance
and repression. Repression
causes memory gaps or amnesias. The
forces that produce repression also produce resistance.
The
following example of free association illustrates a purposeful failure of
memory, the Freudian significance of which is discussed a little later.[36]
It is atypical only in that it occurred during a conversation, rather
than in the course of the analysis of patient.
An acquaintance, in conversation with Freud, stumbled over a Latin
quotation and omitted the word aliquis.
Knowing of Freud's contentions on this matter, this acquaintance
challenged him to find the reason he had forgotten the word. Freud accepted the challenge. He gave the young man the usual instructions
about free associations; the young man responded with what he himself
considered to be the faintly ridiculous idea of dividing the word into two
parts a liquis. The gist of the
succession of free associations thereafter was as follows: "reliques-liquidation-liquidity-fluid-an
article entitled, What St. Augustine Said Concerning Women,'-St. Januarius and
his Blood Miracle."
(Freud-"Didn't St. Januarius and St. Augustine have something to do
with the calendar?") "Yes, and as for St. Januarius a phial of his
blood liquified on the date of certain holiday, and if it doesn't take place the
people get excited. A French general
occupying the town once demanded the miracle take place forthwith." Young man hesitates. (Freud-"Why do you hesitate?")
"Something too intimate to tell, comes to mind." What was too intimate to mention had to do with
the menstrual cycle. As the
acquaintance admitted, he was hoping for a miracle: an intimate female friend of his had missed her period.
Although
Freud altered his method of approach during these years, he did not vary the
aims of his procedures. His principal
endeavor was to bring to the surface of the patient's consciousness the
traumatic event that was the presumed pathological starting point. Even when this point was achieved and the
trauma revealed, Freud continued further back in time. The memories that these patients were able
to produce inexorably went further and further into childhood, as if the
patients were somehow attracted to this period of life. The importance that Freud attached to
childhood will be brought out later in a more systematic discussion of the
psychoanalytic theory.
Importance of Sexual Factors
Freud
found that a remarkable number of his patients' repressed memories centered on
sexual matters. This, of course, was
long before the importance of sexual factors in psychoanalysis became a matter
of common knowledge and could not be attributed to knowledge on the part of his
patients that sexual disclosures were expected of them. After trying the method of direct inquiry
into these sexual matters, Freud realized that this impeded treatment. He therefore resumed his passive position in
treatment, but maintained vigilance to detect the appearance of sexual material.
In
the late eighties and early nineties, Freud tried to interest Breuer in
publishing material on his patient Anna O. and others treated by Freud. From Freud's point of view, Breuer was
inexplicably reluctant. Eventually,
however, they prepared and published in l895 the Studies on Hysteria,
from which it has become customary to date the advent of psychoanalysis.[37]
It included a joint paper, previously published, and five case
histories, among them those of Anna O. and Elizabeth. Although Studies on Hysteria received a few
reviews, mostly unfavorable, it created little stir. Only 626 copies were sold in the next thirteen years, for which
each author received in royalty a sum equivalent to about $170. Between l895 and l897, bitterness developed
between the Freud and Breuer, creating a breach that was never healed;
thereafter they went their separate ways.
In
1896, Freud delivered before a psychiatric and neurological society in Vienna a
paper on the etiology of hysteria. In
it he referred specifically to his conviction that at the basis of every case
of hysteria will be found a premature sexual experience early in
childhood. He had become convinced that
all his patients had experienced something resembling seduction when they were
children; most often the adult seducer was an older relative, often the
father. It was this trauma that
produced the symptoms. One point that
convinced him of the validity of his interpretation was the extreme reluctance
of his patients to describe in detail that scene and the feeling of unreality
that pervaded it. It was as if, unlike
other forgotten material, they really did not remember the experience. This convinced him they were not
malingering, because they seemed to protect that, although the reported
incident was the truth, they felt somehow it could not have happened. A short time after he gave this paper, he
came to the conclusion that in most, but not all, instances these childhood
seduction had never actually occurred.
A
lesser man might have hidden his mistake and tried to forget it. A less clinically acute individual might
have "bravely" confessed his error and turned to other more
profitable matters. Freud did
neither. Instead, he went beyond his mistake
and asked the question why their fantasies took the particular form they
did. His patients were not lying; they
believed their fantasies. Was not the
very fact that their fantasies took sexual form evidence that there was a
sexual tinge to their thinking, and was he not right to emphasize the sexual
basis of their difficulty even though the situations they had described had
actually never taken place? Despite the
temporary setback, this mistake was later to be seen as an advance. Freud, armed with this new insight, was not
ready to explore the whole range of sexuality.
In recent years, there has been some question whether Freud was actually
all that incorrect in his original judgment, however. The answer remains unclear.[38]
Self Analysis
For
some time Freud had been developing the conviction that he needed to explore
his own personality. It was immediately
obvious that the method of free association would be impossible; he could not
assume the attitude of the patient, give uncritically his flow of free
association, and at the same time take on the role of the analyst alertly
listening to the material. In earlier
years some of his patients had spontaneously brought him their dreams for
analysis, and he already done some work with dream interpretation. Consequently, dream interpretation suggested
itself to him as a means of self-analysis.
This
self-analysis was important to Freud.
He needed it. Quite apart from some of the indications of neurotic
difficulties already mentioned in passing, there were others; for example, a
strong fear of railroad travel. Incidentally,
in later psychoanalytic thinking this often symbolized leaving the security of
the mother! His neurosis, with its
frustrations, insecurities, intensities, impracticalities, uncertainties, and
vulnerability to threat, gave way in the course of his self-analysis to that
more integrated, assured, persevering person that his disciples were to know.
The Interpretation of Dreams
Freud's
self-analysis and the writing of The Interpretation of Dreams,
both completed in the summer of l899, went hand in hand.[39]
This book is, by general consensus, Freud's most important single
work. The procedure that he followed
was to record his dream on waking and then free associate to the material of
the dream. He found that his dreams
contained material touched off by events of the day that had not been
completely worked through to some satisfactory solution. In dreaming, the problem would be taken up
again. Dreams represent a disguised
effort to bring about a solution. This
wishful aspect of the dream he referred to as wish-fulfillment. A person dreams of drinking before waking up
thirsty. A medical student, wishing to
continue sleeping after being called, dreams he is already at the
hospital. Dreams have meaning, and deep
seated desires can be investigated by dream analysis, though dream analysis is
but an extension of free association not a substitute for it.
Freud
drew a distinction between the manifest and the latent content of the
dream. The manifest content is
the dream taken at its face value; the latent content is the meaning
behind this. The task of interpretation
is to go from manifest to latent content.
This is a complex task, and only some of Freud's dream symbols can be
illustrated. Dreams of falling were
seen by Freud as circumlocutions for giving way to erotic temptations; dreams
of flying signified longing for sexual accomplishment. Certain images in dreams and for or
symbolize objects and desires from the patient's world in a relatively constant
fashion. The more common symbols in
dreams tend to repeat themselves from patient to patient--money for feces;
journey for death; a king for a father; a tree, a steeple, a sword or a snake
for the penis; a box, a book, or a purse for the vagina; or a pair of sisters
for the breasts. Common symbols, Freud
warned, are not to be interpreted without knowledge of the particular patient's
unconscious conflicts; the symbols have usual but not invariable meanings.
In
spite of the fact that the book devoted to so-called symptomatic acts was not
published until 1904, the subject was of concern to Freud during these earlier
years. The theme of this book, The
Psychopathology of Everyday Life, was the
interference with conscious functioning by unconscious process.[40]
The illustration already presented of the young man who could not
remember a crucial word when he worried about the possible pregnancy of his
sweetheart is an example of this. Freud
supplied a wealth of illustration drawn from many areas to emphasize the
unconscious significance of common errors:
forgetting names; making mistakes in speech, reading, and writing (the
famous Freudian slip); forgetting intentions; "chance"
activities; "clumsy" actions; and the like. Such acts, he found, reveal unconscious desires.
The
fact that "chance" acts, mannerisms, and slips of the tongue have
unconscious motives opened another route to the understanding of the patient
for Freud. Again he had evidence that
no act is uncaused. Analysis of
actions, along with dream analysis, became subsidiary to free association as a
method of psychoanalysis. With these
developments we come to the end of both a century and the formative and, in
many ways, most important period of Freud's life.
Emergence
From Isolation And Later Life
In
the years l901 through l906, Freud began to emerge from the isolation that had
surrounded him. As the period began, he
was forty-five years of age, his practice was increasing, and in l902 a weekly
discussion group was founded for those interested to learn his conception of
"psychoanalysis," the term he applied to his approach. Not only were these men young, they were
also relatively obscure and just at the beginning of their careers. Alfred Adler, to be discussed in the next
chapter, worked with him during these years.
Carl Gustav Jung, who first came to see him in l907, had already
established himself as a promising and potentially important young psychiatrist
in Zurich. Unlike most of the others
who lived in Vienna, Jung visited Freud and then returned to his practice in
Switzerland. For the next five years they were closely associated, and Freud
began to feel that Jung was his spiritual son and the heir to
psychoanalysis. It was during these
years that Jung suggested to Freud that prospective psychoanalysts should
themselves be analyzed, a procedure Freud adopted.[41]
Otto Rank (1884 - 1939) also joined Freud in Vienna as a disciple at
about the same time, while A. A. Brill (1874 - 1948), his American translator,
and Ernest Jones (1879 - 1958), his biographer, were both in touch with him in
l908.
During
these years, Freud published prolifically, including the highly important
volume Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality.[42]
Just as the interpretation of dreams had made him ridiculous in the eyes
of many of his contemporaries, this new volume made him appear prurient as
well, for he argued that all children are born with sexual drives. Despite the notoriety that his views were
now receiving, other more perceptive individuals showed some appreciation of
what he was attempting to do.
The
first official recognition on an international scale of Freud's work came in
l909 when, on the invitation from G. Stanley Hall, Freud was invited to lecture
at a conference at Clark University in celebration of the twentieth anniversary
of that university.[43]
Although appreciative, Freud was not too attracted to Hall and spoke of
him as having "a touch of king-maker about him," a rather perceptive
remark.[44]
Freud attended the meeting, however.
Many other psychologists were in attendance. Freud met Titchener, Cattell, and James, just to name a few. Jung accompanied Freud and also gave
lectures at the celebration. Troubled
by a bladder infection and affected by the roughness of some aspects of
American life, Freud did not consider the trip an unqualified success and thus
maintained an uncomplimentary view of the United States. Although the papers Freud gave were
subsequently published in the American Journal of Psychology
and was covered in numerous newspapers and magazines in the United States, it
probably was somewhat of a blow to him that he did not receive the public
attention he had expected. Still, the
visit was important for Freud, not only for his recognition in America but in Europe
as well. Since the American Journal
of Psychology was widely read in Europe, Freud's introduction to
many European psychologists was through his articles published there.[45]
Two
years later, in 1911, came the break with Alfred Adler, one of his earliest
associates. Aside from differences of
personality, the issue was whether or not Adler's ideas could be incorporated
into psychoanalysis. Adler held that
man has a tendency to compensate for a feeling of inferiority. In this and other respects, Adler was
focusing upon aspects of behavior that demanded consideration of the social
environment. At this time Freud could
not see how it could be explained in terms of his theoretical position. Differences of opinion between Adler and
Freud were aired through the discussion group that by now was called the Vienna
Psychoanalytic Society. Both Freud and
Adler eventually came to realize that their differences were irreconcilable,
and Adler and some of the other members resigned from the Society. Acrimony seems to have existed on both
sides, expressed by Adler by forming a separate group of his own. Freud himself was relieved, more than
anything else, by this final break with Adler because, rightly or wrongly, he
had come to consider him unreliable and recalcitrant.
This
was not the case, however, with the break that came with Carl Jung. In Freud's view, very relevant to the issue
over which they ultimately separated was the general religious and moral
climate of Switzerland. Jung and other
Swiss psychoanalysts had for some time shown a tendency to minimize the
theoretical importance of the sexual basis of psychoanalytic theory. They had found when they did so that their
relations with both their patients and the general public improved
considerably. In May 1911 Jung told
Freud that he regarded "libido" as a term expressing general,
not sexual, tension. After a trip to
New York Jung wrote Freud on how successful he had been in making
psychoanalysis acceptable by leaving out matters of sex!
On
Freud's part, this was not seen merely as a matter of disagreement about the
theoretical importance of sex in psychoanalysis, important though this
undoubtedly was; but to a great extend his distress arose from a conviction
that Jung's reason for minimizing sex was an intellectually dishonest one. Freud believed that Jung was catering to
popular opinion by omitting the sexual factor.
Then and later, there was some suggestion that Jung believed Freud's
Jewish background had something to do with his overemphasis of sex; this hurt
Freud deeply.
In
1914, Jung formally severed his connection with Freudian psychoanalysis by
resigning his position as president of the International Association of
Psychoanalysis. As Freud put it, they
took leave of one another without feeling a need for further meetings.[46]
The break was difficult on both sides, but it was inevitable and
final. The Jungian side of the story
will be taken up in the next chapter.
The
years of World War I interrupted Freud's work to some extent but brought no
personal tragedy, unusual hardships, or limitations except in number of
patients, food restrictions, and reduced income.
His
own interests were moving into the more theoretical channels of
"metapsychology," as he called it.
Metapsychology was a term coined by analogy with Aristotelian
metaphysics--going beyond psychology.
He meant by it accounting for a mental process in terms of its dynamic
significant, topographical features, and economic significance. He aimed to arrive at a general theoretical
structure that would guide psychoanalysts in collecting and meaningfully
organizing clinical data. These
contributions will form a major part of the systematic account of
psychoanalysis given later. During his
remaining years Freud was occupied with a great variety of writings. He continued to make clinical contributions,
but much of his time was taken up by metapsychology and the contributions of
psychoanalysis to biology, anthropology, sociology, religion, art, and
literature. The standard English
edition of his works, from The Interpretation of Dreams[47] of 1900 through the posthumously
published An Outline of Psychoanalysis,[48] fills twenty-four volumes.
During
the period from 1919 until his death in 1939 Freud Was at the pinnacle of his
fame. In the years immediately
following the war, of course, Europe was in chaos. The International Association of Psychoanalysis and the newly
organized publishing house founded in Vienna in 1919 were both in a precarious
state.
One
of his most faithful and hard-working assistants in these administrative
ventures was Otto Rank, who had been a protegé of Freud. Under Freud's urging he had taken a
nonmedical university degree preparatory to further theoretical work in
psychoanalysis. He had a special flair
for the interpretation of myths, legends, and dreams. Rank's book, The Trauma of Birth,
appeared in 1923.[49]
Birth trauma as a source of anxiety was the theme. At first, Rank saw this conception as
falling within the framework of conventional psychoanalysis, but his
reinterpretation of other Freudian contentions in terms of this theme--weaning
as anxiety-provoking because it was a separation from the mother, and the male
sexual urge as a desire to return into the mother's body--was not accepted by
other psychoanalysts. Many heated
arguments began. Because of his fondness
for Rank, Freud tried to reconcile his views with Rank's as well as with those
of Rank's opponents. The attempt was
doomed to failure since Rank saw this as rejection by Freud. Rank had meanwhile developed an increasingly
severe emotional disturbance. After
several trips to the United States, he finally settled here. His break with Freud was final and complete.
In
1923 the first symptom of cancer of the jaw, from which Freud eventually died,
had developed. A series of operations
was necessary and he had to wear a prosthesis which interfered with his voice
to such an extent that he could hardly be understood. In all, he had thirty-three operations. During these years his daughter Anna was his nurse. He had to reduce the number of patients he
saw and take longer summer vacations.
He had many financial worries during this period, created by the
publishing house as well as the public's ambivalent attitude toward him. Abuse from the medical profession
continued. On the other hand, he became
a world figure, becoming acquainted with and, in some instances, close friends
with prominent individuals, such as Thomas Mann and H. G. Wells. Meanwhile the
International Association was going through a certain amount of
controversy. One of the most important
sources of contention was the question of the practice of psychoanalysis by individuals
without medical training. The American
Psychoanalytic Association, which had been formed under medical leadership, was
vehemently opposed to so-called lay analysis.
Associations in other countries were divided in opinion but generally
favorable to the practice of psychoanalysis by individuals who had the
requisite training but no medical degree.
Freud wrote a book entitled The Question of Lay Analysis in 1926._ In it he unequivocally
supported the position that a medical degree was not necessary in order to
practice psychoanalysis, a position from which he thereafter never wavered._
In
the 1930s Adolf Hitler came into power in Germany. As early as May 1933, the Nazis made a bonfire of Freud's books
in Berlin. By 1934 all Jewish
psychoanalysts in Germany who could escape had done so. Freud's friends had been urging him to leave
Vienna, but he insisted stubbornly that he would remain. In March 1938 the Nazis invaded
Austria. The Nazis had actually taken
over Vienna, and storm troopers had broken into his home before he could be
persuaded to leave. The Nazis held him
in Vienna until his stock of unsold books could be brought back from
Switzerland for public burning. The
Nazis were persuaded to release Freud partly through the intervention of W. C.
Bullitt, then United States Ambassador to France. Freud's arrival in London created a sensation that was given
considerable space in the press. During
this time his physical health was failing rapidly, but he was still very alert
mentally. He continued, in fact, to
work almost up until the end. He
finished his book Moses and Monotheism in 1938,[50] and died on September 23, 1939.
Theory of
Personality
From
the work of Freud came a method of investigation, an approach to psychotherapy,
and a theory of personality that were major aspects of his metapsychology.[51]
His clinical method of investigation has already been discussed. Incidentally, it should be added that for
verification of findings, he depended at first mainly on the same relationships
occurring repeatedly among his patients.
Later those trained in psychoanalysis added to this store of clinically
verified findings. It might not
unjustly be called validation by consensus of "informed"
opinion. The difficulty that this
creates, however, is a strong tendency to disregard findings of others not
trained in psychoanalysis. Freud's
approaches to psychotherapy, particularly his method of free association and
dream analysis, have already been presented in some detail.
Any
summary of Freud's metapsychology is apt to give the impression that it was
static--a fixed system, frozen into the form in which it is encountered. This is misleading because, to Freud, it was
a loosely integrated group of theories which evolved through the years with
momentarily important points discarded by the wayside. With Freud, as with others, theoretical
formulations outlived their usefulness.
They are vehicles to be used in part of one's journey but eventually to
be given up when no longer cogent. This
same evolution continued after Freud.
What follows is an attempt to give a classic picture of psychoanalysis
as Freud saw it. By the same token, it
cannot be a complete view of contemporary psychoanalysis. An effort is made to present only the
orthodox Freudian position, differentiated from the steadily increasing number
of neo-Freudians who would assimilate Freud into a larger--typically a
social--framework of non-Freudian origin.
The Dynamics of Structure of
Personality
To
Freud, personality was essentially a dynamic concept in which mental life was an
interplay of reciprocally urging and checking forces.[52]
Consequently, it is necessary to examine the nature of these forces and
the structures through which their interplay takes place. This is tantamount to saying that there
needs to be concern with the dynamics and the structures, of personality. One form of specification of dynamics can be
seen through an examination of Freud's theory of instincts.
Theory of Instincts
In
accordance with the deterministic and positivistic philosophy of his era, Freud
employed the theory of finite energy as the power behind this reciprocal
interplay of forces. He maintained that
the physiological energy of the human organism, by virtue of Helmholtz's
principle of the conservation of energy, may be transformed into energy for
psychological activity. Psychic energy
and its psychological manifestation, instinct, together emerge as the basic
unit in the dynamics of personality structure.
It is a quantum of psychic energy, which functions on transformed
physiological energy, linking a body's need to a psychological wish. There are a number of separate bodily needs,
each of which gives rise to erotic wishes.
These may be identified by referring to the erogenous zones of mouth,
anus, and sex organs as centers for different wishes. Taken together, these instincts are the sum total of psychic
energy. An instinct has four functional
characteristics: (1) impetus, the motor
element in the amount of force that it represents; (2) aim, the satisfaction
obtained by abolishing the condition of stimulation; (3) object, that through which
the aim can be achieved; and (4) source, the somatic process in a body part
which eventuates a stimulus.[53]
Freud
appealed to the concepts of instinct and energy to give his views on sex a
scientific footing and provide a means of describing their interrelationships
meaningfully. This formulation occurred
shortly after the turn of the century.
About
two decades later, Freud faced another problem. The war years forced him to direct his attention to aggressive
behavior and the subsidiary problem of understanding it in relation to
sex. The theory of the death instinct
was the consequence. At this point he
held that in representing bodily demands, the instincts follow two aims, the
life instinct (Eros) and the death instinct (Thanatos).[54]
Under these two headings, Freud assumed a multitude of instincts,
although he never identified all of them specifically nor derived their total
number. The life instinct operates for
human survival and racial propagation, and includes such categories as hunger,
sex, and thirst. The form of energy for
the manifestations of the life instinct is called libido. The death instinct of Freudian
theory, impelling one toward death, is analogous to the catabolic, the
breaking-down, processes of the body and is therefore opposed to the anabolic,
or building, processes of the life instinct.
The death instinct, which has the aim of reducing living things to
inorganic matter,[55] is systematically less important
and, following Fenichel,[56] will be dispensed with in the
account to follow. But aggression is
utilized within the framework of libido theory. Aggression is an innate, independent, instinctual disposition.[57]
The Id, Ego, and Superego
Originally
Freud conceived of the personality structure in terms of the unconscious, the
conscious, and the preconscious (that which is capable of consciousness without
special effort). This original focus on
conscious and unconscious phenomena was brought about by Freud's concern with
hysteria and hypnosis. In hypnosis, for
example, there is a clear distinction between what the subject is aware of in
the waking state and what he can report in the hypnotic state. The distinction between consciousness and
unconsciousness was sufficient at this point to account for the phenomena
theoretically. Later, however, he
preferred to use the unconscious descriptively as a quality of experience.[58]
In the psychoanalytic hour, with the shifting panorama of free
association, terms like conscious and unconscious are too bald to be used for
behavior that is the result of interacting, supporting, or canceling
forces. Identification is difficult
when only these results are open to observation. Consequently, in the interest of a greater dynamic emphasis,
Freud modified his conceptual scheme.
The
structural components of the personality are the inherent system of the id and
its derivatives, the ego and the superego.[59]
The ego and the superego derive their energy from libido, the primary
psychic energy reservoir of the id. The
libido, consequently, is not only the basic force for personality dynamics but
also the source of organization of the personality structure. Each of these structures must now be
examined in detail, and attention must be paid to their interrelationship in
the fully developed personality. The
course of development of the three structures is reserved for presentation in
terms of psychosexual stages.
The
id is unconscious[60] and is the oldest of the
personality structures.[61]
It contains everything that is inherited, present at birth, or fixed in
the constitution.[62]
This includes the source of the instinctual energy, the libido, which
demands discharge.[63]
The
libido is expressed in the id through the principle of tension-reduction--the
pleasure principle--by which the id operates. A physiological tension occurs in an area of bodily need and is
then translated into a psychological wish, the aim of which is to reduce
tension. The id obeys the pleasure
principle[64] in the seeking of pleasure and
avoidance of pain without any other consideration to modify or direct it.[65]
The goal of the id is the satisfaction of needs, irrespective of
considerations of danger or preservation of life.[66]
In the words of the musical comedy song of some years ago, "It
wants what it wants when it wants it."
There is no consideration of decorum, morals, or modesty.[67]
The
id has no direct relation with the external world.[68]
Everything we know about the id relates to the ego.[69]
Since it is unconscious, it can be known only through the ego, which is
conscious. Consequently, while still considering
the id, it is necessary to deal briefly with this ego function. The id is known through its intrusions into
the consciousness of the ego. Dreams,
for example, are an externalization of this internal process in which the id
tendencies are partially released during the relaxation of the ego in sleep.[70]
Examination of dreams is one way of gaining some dim and frightening
knowledge of id sources.[71]
According to Freud, the dreams of even the most straight-laced person
contain amoral elements, illustrative of the functioning of the id.
The
ego includes the conscious portion of the personality structure. The processes of the ego alone are
conscious.[72] More strictly, the ego includes the
preconscious as well, i.e., that which is capable of becoming conscious
voluntarily.[73]
The ego is formed by the individual's experience.[74]
In
contradistinction to the id, which is guided by the pleasure principle, the ego
follows the reality principle.[75]
In guiding activities, the ego takes into account the external world and
its realities. The ego is the
organization interpolated between sensory and perceptual processes and motor
activity, of which the individual is aware as his "I."[76]
The
instincts of the id press for satisfaction; the ego modifies and channels these
drives.[77]
Since all libido was originally id, the ego arises from a modification
of id.[78]
Once it does so, the ego serves as an intermediary between the id and
the external world. Here its
constructive function is to interpose intellectual activity, which calculates
ways and considers alternatives, before allowing the demands of instinct to be
accomplished.[79]
As an approximation, the ego represents reason, while the id represents
the untamed passions; of course, when the latter are represented in
consciousness, it is also through the ego.[80]
If one were to draw upon the previous history of psychology for an
illustration, Plato's fable of the charioteer would come to mind. The ego is in control of voluntary movement
and is aware of external events.[81]
It stores up experiences in memory; it adapts, it leans, it avoids. Thus it has relation to both the id and the
external world.
In
summary, ego refers to both awareness of self and the carrying on of executive
functions. In following the reality
principle, the ego mediates between the imperative pressures from the id, the
structures of the superego (described in a moment), and the demands of external
reality.
Despite
what was just said about ego and consciousness, a portion of the ego is
unconsciousness.[82]
This unconscious portion results from repression. Materials once conscious, but unacceptable
to the ego, are pushed back into the unconscious.[83]
Because of its origin, we call this portion of the ego the
repressed. Repression, in eliminating
unwelcome impulses from consciousness,[84] is a flight mechanism.[85]
That which is repressed has an "upward driving force," that
is, an impulsion or drive to break through into consciousness again.[86]
The ego, under the influence of external reality, controls its entrance
into consciousness, and an interplay of reciprocally checking and urging forces
develops in which libido must be expended.
Repression requires a continuous expenditure of effort.[87]
Anxiety,
by definition, is something "felt."[88]
As an affective state it is experienced by the ego and serves it as a
danger signal. The id cannot be afraid;
it cannot estimate danger, for it knows nothing of the external world. There are three kinds of anxiety.[89]
Reality anxiety occurs in the face of the dangers from the external
world which are too great to cope with; normal or moral anxiety (guilt) in the
face of superego restrictions; and neurotic anxiety in the face of the demands
of the id. Anxiety, no matter what its
particular form, serves as a signal of danger.[90]
The
ego, operating through the reality principle, is capable of investigating
energy in either an inanimate object, some "favorite" possession, or
another person. This energy attachment
Freud called cathexis, the sum of psychic energy with which an object is
invested.[91]
This attachment of energy is analogous to an electric charge.[92]
When libido of the ego is invested in an object (including persons) it
becomes object-libido.[93]
This process of investment transforms ego-libido into object-libido.[94]
The reverse also takes place:
object-libido can return to ego-libido.
Moreover, libido is mobile[95] and can pass from one object to
another.
A
form of cathexis is operating within the structure per se in the
process of ego-id interaction.[96]
In checking the id, the ego must automatically expend a great amount of energy. This checking force is anticathexis and is
the principle that maintains repression.[97]
The
so-called ego defense mechanisms need elucidation.[98]
Each ego makes use of various characteristic ways of defending itself
against anxiety. Since there are a
large number of defense mechanisms, the fact that each individual has a
characteristic pattern of them, with some stronger than others, allows for a
considerable variety in personality structures. Repression, just described, is one of the major ego defense
mechanisms. Not only repression but
also fixation, projection, introjection, and others serve the same
function. Just as repression, they
demand the expenditure of libido to keep anxiety from appearing. They maintain "peace and quiet,"
but in a manner analogous to a garrison keeping an otherwise unruly population
in check. At best they maintain a
stalemate; at worst they express themselves in the eruptions of neurotic or
psychotic symptoms.
An
important ego function that does not require this continual expenditure of
energy is sublimation. This is the most
successful of the various mechanisms in that it allows the discharge of energy
to bring about a cessation of impulses without the continued defensive function
of the other mechanisms. Sublimations
are the socially approved ways of discharging libido without anxiety; they
express libido with aims other than sexual gratification. Illustrations may be drawn from the various
stages of psychosexual development. A
child's oral pleasures may be sublimated by pleasures in speaking, and he may
go on to a career as a politician or professor. Interest in anal matters may be sublimated by work in the arts;
phallic interests may be sublimated by nature study. Many forms of sublimation, however, would not show the obvious
relations just sketched. Sublimation,
in fact, takes on protean forms with law, order, social progress, interaction,
and achievement as areas of manifestation.
The
superego is the third of the personality structures. It serves as the vehicle for the conscience.[99]
It develops out of the ego, arising as an aftermath of the Oedipus
Complex, a facet of development discussed later. It is organized in much the same manner as the ego and deals with
the ego as a strict father would toward his child.[100]
The tension this engenders is guilt,[101] which was defined earlier as moral
anxiety. The superego serves the
special function within the ego of demanding restriction and rejection,[102] and it therefore follows that
repression is the work of the superego.[103]
Although in conflict in many situations, the superego and ego may
function harmoniously; in fact, only when there is a conflict can we
distinguish between them.[104]
When this happens, the superego serves as a pressure on the ego. It makes the child feel guilty, just as his parents
had made him feel guilty. In a more
general fashion, the superego expresses the child's moral imperatives, ideals,
and the like. It serves to control
those sexual and aggressive impulses that would otherwise endanger social
stability.
Such
are the dynamics and structures of personality as Freud and his followers
viewed them.
Stages of Psychosexual Development
Psychoanalytic
personality development is conceptualized by Freud[105] as a progression through a series
of psychosexual stages. These stages
are determined by changes in areas of libidinal localization expressed in
changing modes of pleasure findings.
They are characterized by differences in object relations, the
structural organization of personality, and the appearance of various behavior
mechanism, that is, the ego defense mechanism.
Freud's original notion about psychosexual stages was developed to
explain the appearance of sexuality in infancy and childhood and the underlying
structure of sexual perversions. One of
Freud's senior collaborators, Karl Abraham (1877 - 1925),[106] contributed a great deal to the
elaboration of the theory of psychosexual stages, especially to its extension
to explain character structure in the adult on the basis of the child's
experiences in the various stages.
Freud subsequently accepted this work, so in this sense it is orthodoxly
Freudian.
In
the progression from birth to adolescence, there are the oral, anal, phallic,
and genital psychosexual stages (with the later two stages separated by
the so-called latency period). Although
the stages overlap and characteristics of an earlier stage are not entirely
absent before the appearance of later stages, erotic pleasures tend to be
localized successively in the particular erogenous zones corresponding to the
stages.
The
Oral Stage. The oral stage extends
from birth to sometime in the second year.
I the early oral phase, the mode of pleasure-finding is most concretely
expressed in sucking and swallowing or, more figuratively, incorporating, i.e.,
symbolically making objects part of oneself.
Sensations of the lips, mouth, tongue, and cheeks are exciting in and by
themselves. Freud points to the
prevalence of thumbsucking without the reward of food as an illustration of
pleasure of and for itself.[107]
Sucking is pleasurable and is thus a manifestation of libido. The infant's general mouth-centeredness is
also illustrative. "He puts
everything in his mouth," says the mother.
At
birth the infant makes no distinction between world and ego. Libidinal energy is entirely narcissistic;
it is directed toward himself but without awareness that there is a separation
of self and world. For example, the
mother's breast and body are not distinguished from his own body. The distinction between the infant's self and
the environment comes with the diversion of libido from id to ego
functions. This distinction comes
about, according to Anna Freud, because his needs are not met immediately. If he could always summon up the breast
immediately, there would be no occasion to develop any awareness of
"self" and there would be no occasion to develop any awareness of
"self" and "other" from this experience. But his needs are met only after a delay;
the mother, by the very nature of things, fails to respond instantaneously. The inevitable delays in ministering to his
wants force a recognition on his part that there is a world "out
there" that is not part of "him," from which he is separate. Self and social awareness develop hand in
hand, when the world and ego begin to be distinguished from each other.[108]
The
mother is the first object of the infant's libido, i.e., ego-libido becomes
object-libido as invested in the mother.
In non-psychoanalytic terminology, the child is bonding, beginning to
form a positive attachment; he is learning in an infantile way to "love"
his mother. Some id has been
transformed, while the remainder is unchanged.[109]
Out of the id, present from birth, the ego begins with awareness of the
world.
In
attempting to control id impulses, the ego supplements the pleasure principle,
previously the only regulating principle, with the reality principle, which
requires the individual to take into consideration conditions imposed by the
outer world.[110]
The first signs of the reality principle operating in infants may be
nondramatic and hardly noticeable, but they exist. For example, there are the barest beginnings of tolerating delays
in having his needs met when the infant does not cry continually because of
hunger pangs. After a signal cry, he
may be quiet for a few seconds. As the
mother describes it, "Johnny isn't as impatient as he used to be." This toleration is the beginning of
conforming to the reality principle.
If
the mother is gentle and adroit, the infant's little world is pleasant; if the
mother is rough and clumsy, the world is bad, not in any clear-cut, thought-out
way, but in a nonverbal "feeling."
This last observation goes a long way toward accounting for the fact
that difficulties of adjustment can occur in homes that look ideal to an
adult. The world of the infant is very
small and does not take into account the income of the family, the amount of
land surrounding the house, the number of servants, or any other indices so
obvious to adult eyes. His world is his
interaction with his mother.
Incorporation
is important in this oral phase. From
incorporation or non-incorporation comes the development of two important
personality mechanisms, that is, characteristic ways in which the infant (and
later the adult) operates. These
mechanism are introjection and projection. [111]
The
late-oral or oral-sadistic phase begins at about the age when the eruption of
teeth occurs. The modes of
pleasure-finding shift. Biting
dominates, while devouring and destroying are more figurative expressions. The situation is intensified by the process
of weaning, which usually occurs at this time.
The child is in pain and is frustrated, and ambivalence makes its
appearance. No longer is there
unalloyed positive attachment to the mother.
The object relation with the mother, heretofore only loving, is
complicated by the appearance of feelings of hatred, so both positive and
negative feelings are concurrently present.
How these problems of weaning affect the infant depends in considerable
measure on whether or not weaning is either too abrupt or too early. In either case, trouble of adjustment is to
be expected. Anxiety will appear
inevitably, but it will be intensified if this source of frustration is not
introduced slowly and gradually. Each
child fixates, i.e., invests some libido in oral matters; but the amount is
determined by the extend of oral gratification.[112]
Undue frustration or too much gratification can produce too great a
fixation, possibly resulting in less than optimal adjustment later.
The
oral stage ends sometime in the second year of life, but oral activities
continue to be sources of satisfaction though in varying degrees from
individual to individual.[113]
Too great or too little gratification may result in an oral character,
with oral preoccupations forming a disproportionate part of day-to-day
interests--excessive eating, drinking, kissing, and smoking. There will be not only these excessive mouth
habits, but also more symbolic manifestations of orality in attitudes of dependence
or assurance. An infant over-gratified
in the oral stage may in adulthood be sanguinely optimistic that everything
will turn out all right, while lack of gratification may contribute to the
formation of a pessimistic individual, who is passively dependent on others for
his feelings of esteem. Frustrations in
the late oral stage can result in a host of ambivalent adult attitudes,
friendly-hostile, aggressive-submissive, and so on, along with a tendency to exaggerate
and swing from one extreme of these attitudes to the other. A tendency toward "biting" remarks
is also characteristic.
The
Anal Stage. The area of libidinal
localization is shifted to the anal region sometime during the second year of
life, giving rise to the anal stage.
Before examining the phenomena, look for a moment at the situation as
the infant might. There is nothing
about the odor, texture, or appearance of the feces that is inherently
unpleasant. The infant has no innate
repulsion. He has created it, and the
mother seems to prize it, since she is pleased when he as a movement and
concerned when he does not. According
to Freudian thinking, defecation is "perceived" by the infant as the
giving of a gift. What happens to his
gift? The mother flushes it down the
toilet! Often he acts out his
puzzlement about his strange behavior by toilet play, throwing toys in the
toilet, only to retrieve them again.
There
are two phases to the anal stage--the expelling and the retaining phases. In other words, pleasure is obtained first
from the sheer act of expelling and later from the feeling of retaining a full
lower intestine. The more figurative or
symbolic pleasures of the first phase are expressed in rejecting or destroying,
while pleasures of the later phase are expressed in controlling or
possessing. Extending over both phases
is a sadistic overlay. Anal behavior
used to hurt someone else may be manifest in the more symbolic pleasures
associated with both phases. The infant
may take pleasure in using expulsiveness as a means of defying the parents, or
he may withhold excretion as a means of defiance. Parents may not necessarily agree with the Freudian
interpretation, but they will certainly agree that the toilet training period
is typically one of struggle and the infant seems to be doing just what has
been described!
The
child's ego, equipped with self-awareness by the oral stage, extends its
prowess in the anal stage away from passive functions toward actively directing
his own behavior according to his changing environment. In short, the ego begins to take on
executive functions; it is becoming the doer.
The infant no longer must induce others to do for him, but begins to do
for himself. He learns to keep clean,
to walk, and to talk. With these
accomplishments, he can begin to manipulate his environment. In learning to talk, he can let his wants be
known more efficiently. Speech is also
important in ego development; through it he learns to handle himself as well as
communicate with others. He now
self-communicates. In fact, language is
such a wonderful tool that in psychoanalytic thinking it assumes a magical and
symbolic significance to the child. An
illustration from children somewhat older than the age under consideration is
particularly apt. "Sticks and
stones may break my bones, but names may never hurt me!" This chant is learned by children for its
reassurance value. They have to be
reassured that names will, in fact, not hurt them. Parents will attest to the fact that on occasion they do have to
tell their children at this age that being called a "garbage pail"
does not make them one!
Not
only is mastery of motility taking place, but judgment on the part of the ego
is beginning to develop as well. Partly
dependent upon the growth of speech, judgment is shown through reality
testing. The infant tries out
everything, in the process of which his behavior would make most mothers modify
the old saying to read--"Fools (and little children) rush in where angels
fear to tread." However immature
his judgment may be, the child certainly is exercising it.
Difficulties
of adjustment experienced during the anal stage may also leave their mark on
the adult personality in the form of the so-called anal character. According to Freud[114] the triad of characteristics that
are associated with the anal character is orderliness, parsimoniousness, and
obstinacy. In this context, orderliness
refers to scrupulousness in keeping everything just so--socks placed away by color,
the desk blotter in its precise place--and finickiness about cleanliness. Parsimoniousness refers to
"tightness" with money and other things such as speech. Obstinacy refers to immobility even to the
point of defiance and irritability.
Scrooge, the character in Dickens, and his present-day comic strip
descendants exemplify the anal character.
These characteristics are generalized extensions of earlier compliance
with the parents' wishes regarding excretion.
"Cleanliness," "tightness," and "immovability"
suffice to show the rationale of this extension.
The
Phallic Stage. Libidinal interests
are shifted to the genital zone at about the end of the third or beginning of
the fourth year. Genital interests have
been present before this age--erections have occurred and masturbation is not
unknown--but the interests are now intensified. Part of this intensification is maturational in character,
because physical changes are taking place.
This is referred to as the phallic stage. Interests center on the sex organs themselves with touching,
looking at, and exhibiting genitals, rather than heterosexual behavior which is
characteristic of the genital stage yet to come. Sexual fantasies appear, and, in general, a high value is placed
on the sex organs as such. An important
consequence of the phallic stage is that boys become more masculine and girls
more feminine. As a result, it will no
longer be possible to use "he" generically for both boys and
girls. The sexes must now be
distinguished, psychoanalytically speaking.
An
event of tremendous importance takes place during the years of the phallic
stage--the formation and, under normal circumstances, dissolution of the
Oedipus Complex. Hence, it is both
logical and convenient to discuss it at this point. However, unless attention is directed to it, an historical
inaccuracy would be perpetrated. The
theory of the Oedipus Complex was one of Freud's own unique contributions, dating
from the period around the turn of the century, not the later years when the
theory of psychosexual stages was formulated.
The
high valuation of the sex organs characteristic of the phallic stage is
significant in the emergence of the Oedipus Complex, which, as might be
expected, takes a different course for boys and girls. Its operation in boys will be considered
first.
The
legend of Oedipus is best known for Sophocles' trilogy of plays. The essentials of the plot revolve around
Oedipus killing his father and marrying his mother. Freud turned to this legend for the name, Oedipus Complex, to
describe the symbolic playing out of this same drama in the life of every
boy. By the very nature of things, the
boy will fall in love with his mother and direct death wishes toward his
father.
With
the coming of phallic interests, the boy develops feelings and behavior
directed toward the mother that, commensurate with his age and physical state,
are sexual in nature. In fumbling
childish ways he shows his sexual feelings.
These advances his mother rebuffs.[115]
The father is also seen as having privileges with the mother from which
the boy is barred. For example, when
the father is away, the boy may have the privilege of sleeping in the mother's
bed, but when the father returns, this is not permitted. He becomes jealous, and strong hostile
feelings toward the father develop. But
mother-son incest is prohibited in almost all cultures, bringing into play a
powerful taboo reinforced by the father's authority over the boy. The boy is a rival to an all-powerful
father, and he also has feelings against which all society sets its face. Small wonder that he develops anxiety and
fears the loss of both his parents' love.
Massive anxiety, therefore, makes its appearance. As if this were not enough, he has a more
specific anxiety about his sex organ, on which, it will be remembered, he
places a high value. This is castration
anxiety, a fear from implied or actual threat to the organ that some parents
employ. When the boy learns of the
anatomical lack in girls, this may reinforce his belief in the reality of
castration. The cumulative pressures of
these anxieties are so great that he represses his desires for the mother, replacing
them with tender affection, while his feelings of hostility toward the father
are replaced by identification. The
Oedipus Complex is "smashed," but its effects are still there. It has not disappeared, but is under the
control, sometimes shaky, of maintained repression.
In
the girl the Oedipus Complex takes a different course, because she, unlike the
boy, must give up her original pre-Oedipal object choice of the mother and
redirect libido toward the father.[116]
Moreover, the castration anxiety of the boy is impossible for her since
the lack that this implies is already a fact.
This lack she notices, and "penis envy" develops. She has fantasies that this castration has
happened as a punishment, and she wishes to regain it through the father. This drives her into the Oedipus situation
in which the loss may be repaired again in fantasy by having a child through
the father. She "loves" the
father and therefore "hates" the mother, her rival, whom she also
blames for her castration. As a means
of solving this problem, the girl learns to identify with the mother. The already existing ambivalence toward the
mother aids in this displacement of love to the father. In this way the girl is prepared for the Oedipus
shift, events driving her into it, rather than destroying it, as was the case
with the boy. Because of the way it was
formed, there is less drive for the girl to overcome it as abruptly as does the
boy, and, in fact, the Oedipal situation remains in effect with the girl for a
longer period and is continued more or less indefinitely.
If
one asks, not unnaturally, why this stirring drama which takes place in both
boys and girls is not so clearly remembered that it becomes common knowledge of
our individual past, the answer, psychoanalytically speaking, is simple. We have repressed our knowledge, and,
although it is still operative unconsciously, we cannot consciously recall it.[117]
For
both the boy and the girl the aftermath of the Oedipal situation is the
formation of the superego.[118]
The superego is the heir of the Oedipus Complex in that it arises after
the complex has been repressed.[119]
Parental influence is again paramount.[120]
The child identifies with parental views on manners and morals, or
rather with their idealized and purified views. He makes both their approving and disapproving attitudes his
own. These demands are often exacting,
beyond his childish capacities of accomplishment. Consequently, he is plagued with feelings of guilt; he has
measured himself with this idealized view and falls short.
In
adult life, an individual showing disproportionate effects of the phallic stage
would have continuing castration anxiety or penis envy. The male phallic character gives the
impression of being a devil-may-care, masculine, assured person.[121]
Intense vanity, exhibitionism, sensitiveness, and a tendency to maintain
the offensive are characteristic. At
least fitting the stereotype of the phallic character would be the motorcycle
fan, the professional wrestler, and the like.
A girl driven by her envy would use her physical charms or other
capabilities to overcome the male in any way she could. Actually, both male and female phallic
characters are dependent, narcissistic, and unable to have mature heterosexual
relations. Sexual conquests are
precisely that, not means of relating to other individuals.
With
the formation of the superego, the last major constituent of the topographical
organization of personality has come into being. The interrelationships among id, ego, superego, and environment
are taking on their final form. Earlier
in this account, consideration was given to the dynamics and structure of
personality. If a strictly
developmental sequence of presentation had seemed desirable, that discussion
could have been interpolated at this point with relatively little modification.
The
Latency Period. The latency period
extends over the years five to ten with no new area of libidinal localization
making an appearance. It was originally
considered a period of sexual quiescence.
However, sexual interests are still very much present, but sublimation
and other mechanisms are operative, producing a relatively quiet period. Social feelings are extended to individuals
outside the family circle at this age.
The opinion of their peers looms very large to children in this period.
The
Genital Stage. At about the age of
ten, the genital stage is introduced by the pre-pubertal phase preparatory to
physical maturity. During the next two
or three years or so, there is a sharp increase in the sheer amount of libido available. As sketched by Anna Freud, regression
occurs; libido is redirected to infantile love objects; Oedipal fantasies
reappear; aggressive impulses are intensified; habits of cleanliness may be
lost; immodestly and cruelty may be apparent.[122]
There are no new elements, but rather a revival of tendencies from
infancy. A general disruption of id,
ego, and superego relationships occurs.
When the id is in the ascendancy, means of pre-genital gratification
predominate; when the ego is the stronger, anxiety results. Criminal attacks that make the headlines of
our newspapers, although more often involving a youngster a year or two older,
frequently involve what is essentially a failure to hold id impulses in check.
With
the arrival of bodily sexual maturity or puberty, there tends to be a dropping
away of the sloppy and violent behavior characteristic of the earlier phase and
greater refinement and even fussiness may appear. Sexual interests again extend beyond family figures. The boy or girl may behave as if a stranger
in his own family, with uneasiness over displays of affection. "Crushes" on persons who are
parent substitutes may be of high intensity but short duration, and are quickly
forgotten. In general, the disruption
of the earlier genital phase gives way to the beginnings of some approximation
of the genital character of adulthood.
The
normal, genital character if adulthood is one of non-neurotic sexual adjustment
with extensive use of sublimation as a constructive means of ego adjustment.[123]
Nevertheless, all adults show some effects of the other previous
psychosexual stages. Oral, anal, and
phallic characters, despite their deviation, are within the normal range if
adjustment. In fact, the dividing line
between them and the genital character is a matter of degree. In a sense the genital character is an ideal
imperfectly achieved by most adults.
It
should be obvious that the psychoanalytic theory of psychosexual development
places considerable stress on the formative decisiveness of the early years of
life. More space has been devoted to
the first five or six years of life than to the rest of the first fourteen
years through adolescence, and adulthood has received hardly more than a
footnote. This proportion of space is
in keeping with psychoanalytic emphasis.[124]
Adulthood is an elaboration of the events in infancy and childhood.
Overview
A
unique pattern of prescriptive emphases is found in psychoanalysis. Idiographicism predominates over
nomotheticism. Unconscious mentalism,
dynamicism, developmentalism, and irrationalism are intertwined salient
factors. Shared with some of the other
views of psychology discussed in previous chapters are centralism, contentual
subjectivism, and determinism. It is
not surprising that psychoanalysis is not completely integrated with the rest
of psychology even to this day, despite today's broader acceptance and
utilization of the very prescriptions considered central to
psychoanalysis. But this greater
rapprochement was a development to come in the generations after Freud.
Summary
In
considerable measure, psychoanalysis has been seen to emerge from Freud's
experience with patients. His was a
clinical method of both investigation and verification. Through free associations, actions and dream
analyses he found individual interpretive clues that he then related to other
presumably congruent findings from the same sources, either from the same or
other patients. Consistency of the
data, either within a case or from one case to later cases, led to increased
confidence and ultimately to certainty about them. Conspicuous by its absence was the control that would have been
given by experiment or some other method of studying exceptions to his
generalizations. His emphasis on
sex--extended sex as it were, with ramifications into all areas of human
behavior and experience--is at the same time indicative of the emphasis he
placed on the instinctual character of man's drives to action. He attached crucial importance to childhood
development. The decisive imprint of
childhood upon our adult behavior was not only expressed through a
psychogenetic emphasis, but was also to be played out in a manner that followed
a remorseless, biologically genetic pattern.
Similarly, he placed emphasis upon the dark, primordial forces of the
id, which had the ego at its mercy.
All
of these foci were to be questioned, modified, or amplified in varying degrees
by followers and critics. The use of
methods other than the clinical, emphasis on forms of motivation other than the
sexual, greater emphasis upon experience after childhood, increased emphasis
upon the social at the expense of the instinctual factors, and recognition of a
greater autonomy of conscious control by the ego all were to come in the period
after his death. Psychoanalysis, as a
means of investigation, as a method of treatment, and as a theory of
personality continued after Freud. To
these themes the book will return in the next chapter.
REFERENCES
[1]P.
Janet, The Major Symptoms of Hysteria, 2nd
ed. (New York: Macmillan, 1920).
[2]W.
Riese, The Legacy of Phillipe Pinel: An Inquiry into Thought
on Mental Alienation (New York: Springer, 1969).
[3]P.
Pinel, Traité médico-philosophique sur l'aliénation
mentale (Paris: Richard, Caille and Revier, 1801).
[4]J. E.
Esquirol, Des maladies mentales (Paris: Baillière, 1838).
[5]R.
Pintner, Intelligence Testing:
Methods and Results (New York: Holt, 1923).
[6]H. F.
Ellenberger, The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution
of Dynamic Psychiatry (New York: Basic Books, 1970).
[7]Ibid.,
p. 112.
[8]J.
Braid, Neurypnology; or, The Rationale of Nervous
Sleep; Considered in Relation with Animal
Magnetism (London: Churchill,
1843) (Reprinted, 1899).
[9]G.
Guillain, J. M. Charcot 1825-1893: His Life-His Work,
trans. P. Bailey (New York: Hoeber,
1960).
[10]S.
Freud, "The History of the Psychoanalytic Movement," A. A. Brill, ed., The Basic Writings
of Sigmund Freud (New York: Random House, 1938), p. 943 (1912).
[11]Janet, Major
Symptoms.
[12]J. M.
Charcot, Clinical Lectures on Diseases of the
Nervous System, trans. T. Savill (London: New Sydenham Society, 1889), III.
[13]G.
Zilboorg and G. W. Henry, A History of Medical Psychology
(New York: Norton, 1941), pp. 357-378.
[14]H.
Bernheim, Hypnosis and Suggestion in Psychotherapy: A Treatise on the
Nature and Uses of Hypnosis, 2nd ed., trans.
C. A. Herter (New Hyde Park, N.Y.:
University Books, 1964) (1884-1886).
[15]A. A.
Liebéault, Du sommeil et des états analogues,
considérés sur tout au point de vue
de l'action de la morale sur le
physique (Paris: Masson, 1866).
[16]T. A.
Ribot, English Psychology (London: King, 1873), (1870).
[17]T. A.
Ribot, German Psychology of To-day (New York:
Scribner's, 1886) (1879).
[18]P.
Janet, "Pierre Janet," C.
Murchison, ed., History of Psychology in Autobiography
(Worcester: Clark University Press,
1930) Vol. I, pp. 123-133; W. S. Taylor, "Pierre Janet,
1859-1947," American Journal
of Psychology, LX (1947):
637-645.
[19]P.
Janet, L'automatisme psychologique (Paris: Alcan, 1889).
[20]P.
Janet, L'état mental des hystériques (Paris: Rueff, 1892).
[21]P.
Janet, The Major Symptoms of Hysteria (New
York: Macmillan, 1907).
[22]P.
Janet, L'analyse psychologique (Psychology analysis), in English, C. Murchison,
ed., Psychologies of 1930 (Worchester: Clark University press, 1930), pp. 369-373.
[23]Taylor,
"Pierre Janet."
[24]Janet, Major
Symptoms.
[25]M.
Prince, The Dissociation of a Personality
(New York: Longmans, Green, 1905).
[26]Janet, L'analyse
psychologique.
[27]P.
Janet, Psychological Healing:
A Historical and Clinical Study, 2
vols., trans. E. and C. Paul (London:
Allen and Unwin, 1925).
[28]Janet, L'analyse
psychologique.
[29]For
discussion of this problem and, indeed, practically all aspects of Freudian
thinking, see Ellenberger, The Discovery
of the Unconscious.
[30]S.
Rosenzweig, "The Cultural Matrix of the Unconscious," American Psychologist, XI
(1956): 561-562.
[31]S.
Freud, "An Autobiographical Study" in J. Strachey, ed., The Standard
Edition of the Complete Psychological Works
of Sigmund Freud (London: Hogarth, 1959), Vol. XX, pp.
7-70 (1925). Frank Sulloway's interesting treatment of Freud is appropriately
titled Freud, Biologist of the Mind: Beyond the Psychoanalytic
Legend (New York: Basic Books, 1979).
[32]Albrecht,
The New Psychology in America. There is no lack of biographical work on
Freud. Sulloway has been mentioned
already. Another excellent recent
biography is Ronald W. Clark, Freud: The Man and the
Cause (New York: Random House, 1980).
The classic treatment of Freud is Ernest Jones, The Life and
Work of Sigmumd Freud (New York: Basic Books, 1953)
3 vols. A much smaller, more personal
work is Hanns Sachs, Freud: Master and Friend (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1944).
The most recent treatment by Peter Gay ( ) was not been read in time to be used in this chapter. This does not begin to list the totality of
the literature, however.
[33]Anna O.'s
real name was Bertha Pappenheim. She
never married, was very devout, and went on to a career in social work. She became so distinguished in her field
that Germany issued a postal stamp in her honor in 1954. What has been reported in the text is the
"received opinion" as given by Breuer, Jones, and Freud. H. F.
Ellenberger, however, has unearthed new evidence reported in "The Story of
'Anna O': A Critical Review with New Data," Journal of the History of the
Behavioral Sciences VIII (1972):
267-279, which casts considerable doubt that there was either catharsis
or a cure.
[34]S.
Freud, "The History of the Psychoanalytic Movement," in A. A. Brill,
ed., The Basic Writings of Sigmund Freud
(New York: Random House, 1938), pp.
933-977 (1914).
[35]Jones, The
Life and Works of Sigmund Freud, Vol.
I, p. 246.
[36]S. Freud,
"Psychopathology of Everyday Life," in Brill, ed., The Basic
Writings of Sigmund Freud, pp. 35-178 (1904).
[37]J.
Breuer and S. Freud, Studies on Hysteria (London: Hogarth, 1955) (1895).
[38]Jeffrey
M. Masson, The Assault on Truth: Freud's Suppression of the
Seduction Theory (New York: Farrar, Straus, & Giroux, 1984);
A revision of the revisionist view is found in Frank Cioffi's review, "The
Cradle of Neurosis," Times Literary Supplement, July
6, 1984, pp. 743-744.
[39]S.
Freud, The Interpretation of Dreams (London: Hogarth, 1953) (1900).
[40]Freud, Psychopathology
of Everyday Life.
[41]M.
Fordham, The Objective Psyche (New York: Humanities Press, 1960).
[42]S.
Freud, Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality
(London: Hogarth, 1953) (1905).
[43]Rand B.
Evans and William A. Koelsch, "Psychoanalysis Arrives in America: The 1909
Psychology Conference at Clark University," American Psychologist, 40 (1985), 942-948.
[44]Freud,
"Autobiographical Study," p. 51.
[45]Freud,
"The Origin and Development of Psychoanalysis," American Journal
of Psychology 21 (1910) 181-218.
[46]Freud,
"The History of the Psychoanalytic Movement."
[47]Freud, The
Interpretation of Dreams.
[48]S.
Freud, An Outline of Psychoanalysis (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1949) (1939).
[49]O. Rank,
The Trauma of Birth (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1929) (1923).
[50]S.
Freud, The Question of Lay Analysis (New
York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1950) (1926).
[50]For an
interesting parallel between Freud's attitude toward lay analysis and those of
the phrenologist, Gall, see Karl M. Dallenbach, "Phrenology versus
Psychoanalysis," American Journal of Psychology,
69 (1956): 511-525.
[50]S.
Freud, Moses and Monotheism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1939).
[51]N. Fodor
and F. Gaynor, Freud: Dictionary
of Psychoanalysis (New York: Philosophical Library, 1950). This reference is a convenient source to
find citations of the definitions of some of the crucial characteristics of
psychoanalysis.
[52]S.
Freud, "Psychogenic Visual Disturbances According to Psychoanalytic
Conceptions," Collected Papers
(London: Hogarth, 1924), Vol. II, pp.
105-112. (1910).
[53]S.
Freud, "Instincts and Their Vicissitudes," Collected Papers, Vol. IV, pp. 60-83 (1915); S.
Freud, The Ego and the Id (London: Hogarth, 1947) (1923).
[54]S.
Freud, Beyond the Pleasure Principle (New
York: Boni and Liveright, 1922) (1920).
[55]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 2.
[56]O.
Fenichel, The Psychoanalytic Theory of Neuroses
(New York: W. W. Norton and Company,
1945).
[57]S.
Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents
(London: Liveright, 1930), Chap. 6
(1929).
[58]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis.
[59]Ibid.
[60]Freud, The
Question of Lay Analysis, Chap. 2.
[61] Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 2.
[62]Ibid.
[63]S.
Freud, New Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis
(New York: W. W. Norton and Company,
1935), Chap. 3 (1932).
[64]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 8.
[65]Freud, Beyond
the Pleasure Principle, Chap. 1.
[66]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis.
[67]Freud, New
Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, Lec. 2.
[68]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 8.
[69]Ibid.,
Chap. 2.
[70]S.
Freud, "Metaphysical Supplement to the Theory of Dreams," Collected Papers, Vol. IV, pp.
137-151.
[71]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 2.
[72]Freud, The
Question of Lay Analysis, Chap. 2.
[73]Freud, Moses
and Monotheism, Part III, Sec. 1.
[74]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 1.
[75]Freud, The
Question of Lay Analysis, Chap. 3.
[76]Ibid.,
Chap. 2.
[77]Ibid.,
Chap. 3.
[78]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 1.
[79]Ibid.,
Chap. 8.
[80]Freud, New
Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, Lec. 3.
[81]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 1.
[82]Freud, New
Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, Lec. 1.
[83]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 4.
[84]S.
Freud, "Repression," Collected Papers, Vol. IV, pp.
84-97 (1915).
[85]S.
Freud, The Problem of Anxiety (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, (1936), Chap. 10
(1926).
[86]Freud, New
Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, Lec. 3.
[87]Freud, The
Problem of Anxiety, Chap. 10.
[88]Ibid.,
Chap. 8.
[89]Freud, New
Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, Lec. 3.
[90]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 1.
[91]S.
Freud, Wit and Its Relation to the Unconscious
(New York: Moffat, 1916), Chap. 5
(1905).
[92]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 2.
[93]Freud, Three
Essays on the Theory of Sexuality.
[94]Freud, New
Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, Lec. 4.
[95]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 2.
[96]Ibid.,
Chap. 6.
[97]S.
Freud, "The Unconscious," Collected Papers, Vol. IV,
pp. 98-136 (1915).
[98]A.
Freud, The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense
(London: Hogarth, 1937).
[99]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 5.
[100]Ibid.
[101]Freud, New
Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, Lec. 3.
[102]Ibid.
[103]Ibid.
[104]Freud, The
Problem of Anxiety, Chap. 3.
[105]The
general outline of what follows is dependent upon Freud, An Outline
of Psychoanalysis, but some of the details are derived from other
sources. For example, Freud originally
describe only one oral phase, but this and
other stages were elaborated and, as Freud accepted them, these
elaborations are presented.
[106]K.
Abraham, Selected Papers on Psychoanalysis
(London: Hogarth, 1927).
[107]Freud, Three
Essays on the Theory of Sexuality.
[108]A.
Freud, "Some Remarks on Infant Observation," in Ruth S. Eissler et
al., eds., Psychoanalytic Studies of the Child
(New York: International, 1947), Vol.
II, pp. 11-30.
[109]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 4.
[110]Freud, The
Question of Lay Analysis, Chap. 3.
[111]G. S.
Blum, Psychoanalytic Theories of Personality (New
York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1953),
pp. 46-47 (Reprinted by permission).
[112]Fenichel,
The Psychoanalytic Theory of Neuroses.
[113]Ibid.
[114]Freud, New
Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, Lec. 6.
[115]R. L.
Munroe, Schools of Psychoanalytic Thought (New
York: Dryden Press, 1955).
[116]Ibid.
[117]Freud, New
Introductory Lectures on Psychoanalysis, Lec. 3.
[118]Ibid.
[119]Freud, An
Outline of Psychoanalysis, Chap. 8.
[120]Ibid.,
Chap. 1.
[121]Fenichel,
The Psychoanalytic Theory of Neuroses.
[122]Freud, Ego
and Mechanisms of Defense.
[123]Fenichel,
The Psychoanalytic Theory of Neuroses.
[124]Freud, Moses
and Monotheism, Part III, Sec. II.